By Steve Buck
Bethesda, MD
May 2010
(Ed. Note: From 1965 to 2002 Steve Buck, Pierson ‘62, served at 8 posts in the Middle East, including Deputy Chief of Mission in Baghdad during the Iran-Iraq war (1986-88) and Consul General in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia (1996-1999). From 1999-2001 he taught the Middle East security seminar, political science and energy economics at the National Defense University. Since retiring in 2002 he has continued to teach at the National Defense University, serve on the editorial board of the Foreign Service Journal, and lecture at various universities on the Middle East. He has written a number of articles for our website on the Middle East and the folly of our invasion of Iraq.)
Last spring I was invited by the Council for the National Interest Foundation to lead the group’s 19th “Political Pilgrimage” to Egypt, Gaza, Jerusalem, Israel, the West Bank, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. A non-profit founded by a former U.S. Congressman and a number of retired U.S. Ambassadors, the Council seeks to educate Americans about the complexities of the Middle East and policies in the U.S. national interest. Harriet Fulbright, widow of the Senator for whom the well-known Fulbright program is named, joined us, along with an investment banker, a lawyer with a Ph.D. in Middle Eastern studies, an eye surgeon, a Texas cattle rancher, and a retired Pennsylvania state trooper.

In front of Israeli bombed American International School in Gaza. Mrs. Fulbright second from left, Steve Buck with white beard.
Because the Israel/Palestine dispute is so emotional and because U.S. policy on the subject is really made at the White House and in Congress, I had made it a point in my career not to serve in Israel and the countries bordering it, although I had studied Arabic (and met my wife) in Beirut and visited all of them a number of times.
I write what follows because what I saw on the ground shocked me – particularly how little it is reported in the mainstream U.S. media. I hope some in the class may find it eye-opening. It underscores a fundamental point that NSC advisor General Jones and Central Command General Petreaus have both emphasized – that the festering Israel/Palestine dispute threatens U.S. national security interests, particularly as it makes it far more difficult for U.S. forces and personnel to operate in much of the Arab and Islamic world. While media in the U.S. rarely give much coverage to suffering in Gaza and the West Bank, media in the rest of the world do. Israeli actions foster a growing and dangerous hatred of the U.S. in the Middle East and beyond.
In what follows I share with you parts of our trip with a few photos, and then end with cautious hope. I realize that some of this article may upset some readers, particularly those who see Israel only as a shining beacon in a troubled Middle East. As “Dad 2.0″ of a Jewish son-in-law with a large extended family who we dearly love, I am fully aware of the “existential fear” that exists on both sides of the dispute. I ask that those who are well-versed in the Shoah (Catastrophe) be open to learning about the “Nakba” (Disaster) that burdens far too many Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza every day.
We started off in Cairo, then trekked through the Sinai desert (red lines) with a security escort to Rafah, the sole border crossing from Egypt into Gaza (the small red area poking into Israel from the Egyptian border on the map below).

Map of our trip
It is one thing to be well-versed, to write careful briefing memos off quiet corridors at the State Department. It is entirely another to experience and witness unnecessary human suffering face-to-face, on the ground. In Gaza we experienced a highly urbanized area just twice the size of the District of Columbia, but at 1.5 million people, three times its population. Land, air and sea blockades by Israel and a very difficult border crossing with Egypt make it the world’s largest open air prison.
In the hours it took us to go through the Rafah crossing from Egypt into Gaza, I first saw at a distance and then close up a young man in a wheel-chair. He looked into my eyes and showed me horrible burns – down to the bone – from Israeli phosphorous canisters. Phosphorous burns chemically until it exhausts itself and cannot be extinguished.
What amazed me was there was no anger, just hurt, dignified hurt we experienced over and over in Gaza – as for example, when we listened to Gaza students with scholarships to study abroad who are not allowed to leave Gaza. We were inconvenienced by the time it took us to get into Gaza. Imagine what it is like for a graduate student who has slowly watched hope disappear in the two years he has waited for permission to leave.
Again and again we saw the crushing of hope, often for reasons that have little if anything to do with security. We saw the ruins of the American International School in Gaza, designed to promote moderation, peace and openness. Twice in 18 months extremists tried to blow it up without success. Long after Israel controlled the area during its December/January Operation Cast Lead, Israeli jets did what the extremists were unable to do.
The people of Gaza are well-educated, with a 95 percent literacy rate. UNRWA officials and an American-educated lawyer explained to us that prior to Israel’s clamp-down in 2007 following Hamas’ victory in a free and fair election promoted by the U.S., there had been flourishing trade between Gaza and Israel, with considerable interchange between Gazan businessmen and Israelis, and excellent large facilities for inspecting cargo. Now with the clamp-down, Gazan trade with Israel has ended, with virtually the only goods getting through via tunnels. Rather than building ties with Israel, the blockade cuts them off and will create a whole generation of alienated young Gazans, a growing pool for the very extremism that Israel says it wants to reduce.
We also learned that the number of trucks crossing into Gaza had declined from 2,350 trucks a week to 99 a week – 4% of the pre–closure number – just enough for the most basic necessities. Until Senator Kerry intervened, the Israeli authorities refused to permit importation of “luxury goods” such as semolina and tomato paste. Other items, such as glass to replace bombed-out windows, fabric, thread, needles, matches, mattresses, sheets, blankets, crockery, coffee, light bulbs, crayons, clothing and shoes are also banned. Concrete, rebar, glass, wood, anything that could be used for rebuilding is banned, despite Operation Cast Lead’s horrific destruction (photo below). This is not banning goods supporting terrorism, this is mean-spirited deprivation and group punishment. How this is supposed to promote long-term Israeli/Palestinian peace or security escapes me. In our meeting with the leader of the Labor party in the Knesset, Daniel Ben Simon, he told us “Israelis want to be loved.” Depriving a whole people of a minimally decent life and hope is a peculiar way of gaining love.
Because Israel refused to let us make the easy hour and a half trip from Gaza to Jerusalem, we spent 27 hours (4 for sleep) going back through Gaza to the Rafah crossing, then into Egypt to the Suez canal and through the Sinai desert to Eilat, and up to Jerusalem (see map). Suffering from stomach flu, Mrs. Fulbright was a trooper throughout the trip.
In Hebron, on the West Bank, we saw graphic examples of a conscious policy to take over and strangle a once vibrant city. The Mayor and Governor of Hebron explained to us that on the pretext of needing to protect 400 armed extremist Israeli settlers/colonizers, 520 shops in the center of old Hebron have been closed – their metal doors blowtorched shut by Israeli troops (photo below). Another 1000 have closed due to harassment and security measures. The Mayor and Governor cannot walk on the main street of Hebron, a street restored with USAID money, but settlers/colonizers have free access. On one street we saw wire mesh strung to protect Palestinians from garbage – but not urine and feces – thrown down on them by settlers who have built above existing buildings.

Destruction from Israeli Operation Cast Lead, Gaza

Arab shops in the center of Hebron blow-torched shut by Israeli forces

Nets to stop garbage thrown down by Israeli settlers in central Hebron
Throughout our visit to the center of the old city we had to endure loudspeakers blaring out hard-rock Israeli music from a settler/colonist center financed by a pro-settler group in Florida. The music blares 24 hours a day. Muslims hear it while going through four security check points to reach what had been their mosque on the tomb of Abraham. In 1994, the extremist American/Israeli settler Dr. Baruch Goldstein opened fire in the mosque at prayer time, killing 29 Palestinians and wounding 150. A year later an Israeli commission gave two-thirds of the mosque to the settlers, who can enter whenever they want, and the remaining third to the Palestinians, who can only enter after humiliating security checks. The settlers, many supported by tax-deductible contributions to U.S. “charities,” have erected a monument in their nearby settlement that reads “To the holy Baruch Goldstein, who gave his life for the Jewish people, the Torah and the nation of Israel.”
Summing our visit to the West Bank, one of our group, an investment banker from New York who had spent 10 years in South Africa in the 80’s, remarked wryly that “Israel is giving Apartheid a bad name.”
Returning to Gaza for a moment, the inevitable question arises, “What about Hamas? They don’t recognize Israel. Israel is just trying to root them out.” In Gaza we were told that Hamas would accept whatever agreement was worked out between the Palestinian Authority and Israel so long as the new Palestinian State would be within the pre-1967 borders and any agreement were ratified by the Palestinians’ Legislature. For them this is in effect recognition of Israel. As for renunciation of violence (the second of three conditions the U.S. has asked of Hamas), Hamas had honored a cease-fire it declared in June 2008 and Israel violated this cease-fire (a point corroborated by former President Jimmy Carter). As to the final U.S. condition, recognition of previous accords, it was pointed out that Israel’s then new Prime Minister and Foreign Minister had refused to do that. We were left with the impression that Hamas would like to move towards negotiation and be in some sort of contact with the United States Government.
Now, and the future -
At this point I am sure some readers will say “this only gives the Arab perspective,” What about the Israeli? What about Hamas rockets firing into Sderot?” Obviously any violence is wrong and to be condemned. That said, the number of deaths and damage from inaccurate rockets was miniscule compared to the over 1200 deaths and massive destruction of apartment buildings in Gaza during Operation Cast Lead. And this does not deny Israeli fears and concerns. They are best addressed in real peace talks that include the whole Palestinian population, not just the West bank.
I am sure at this point, or much earlier in reading this article, some readers will ask “What about Arab recognition of Israel?” In 2002, then Crown Prince Abdullah, now King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia proposed a peace plan that would involve the recognition of Israel by all members of the Arab League if there were a settlement between the Palestinians and Israel. The Bush administration gave the plan short shrift, as they did any activity on the peace process. The Arab League has continued to endorse the plan.
As I write this in mid-May 2010, the talking heads in Washington are busily discussing “proximity talks” between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, which Arab states and Netanyahu have endorsed. Talks are fine – but seven years of talks in the 90’s only led to expansion of Israeli settlements and a doubling of the number of Israeli settlers. As a diplomat I of course am in favor of talks – but not if they are a clever way of diverting attention from continued Israeli expansion, depopulation of the West Bank and creating yet more “facts on the ground.” It is time that Americans see this and hold Israel accountable as President Obama and Secretary Clinton have been trying to do.
As it has been for decades, a major problem is that most in the U.S. Congress are petrified of the power of the Israel lobby, as exemplified by the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). In the 80’s I worked on Middle East issues in the State Department’s Congressional relations bureau. When I talked with Congressional staff and members on any Mid-East matter, even one far removed from anything having to do with Israel, the first comment usually was “Is State’s position the same as AIPAC’s? If not you have a problem.”
This March, in the middle of Vice President Biden’s visit to Israel to revivify a moribund “peace process,” Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s government announced it would build 1600 new housing units in East Jerusalem, infuriating Biden and President Obama and greatly complicating any hopes for peace. Netanyahu rejected Obama’s request to stop building settlements in a speech before AIPAC and AIPAC quickly got 333 congressmen and 76 senators to write letters to Secretary of State Clinton reaffirming unyielding support for Israel and suggesting that any differences be kept out of the public domain.
Possible Hope -
“Existential fear” – In our conversation with David Ben Simon, the leader of the Israeli Labor Party in the Knesset, he told us he had talked with the leader of the party, former Prime Minister now Defense Minister Ehud Barak four days before and Barak had told him that Israel had “no good intelligence” on Iranian nuclear development. “It is a black hole,” Simon quote Barak, “Our fear is existential, not based on intelligence.”
In politics, alas, perception is usually far more important than reality. U.S. policy has been and should remain one that reassures Israel about our commitment to its existence and security. This should not mean a blank check for Israeli actions that have little to do with security, such as a “security fence” that cuts deeply into the West Bank, or settlements in East Jerusalem. It does mean encouraging unity talks between the PLO and Hamas, rather than discouraging them, as the U.S. government has been doing, and exploring ways to bring Hamas into final status negotiations. Peace talks that only involve half the total population of the West Bank and Gaza are unlikely to lead to any real peace.
So long as AIPAC can muster overwhelming congressional support for anything the Israeli government does, even if it undercuts U.S. national interests, President Obama is unlikely to be able to make much progress in promoting real peace talks. Netanyahu and the extremists in his cabinet can ignore Obama’s calls for a settlement freeze, as they have done up to the present.
In a thought-provoking recent talk on this reality, University of Chicago University Professor John Mearsheimer, a leader of the “realist” school of foreign policy, broke down the American Jewish community into three broad groups – the “righteous Jews,” who support Israel, but not its oppressive policies; the “new Afrikaners,” who “will support Israel even if it is an apartheid state,” and a majority in the middle. (full text at The Future of Palestine: Righteous Jews vs. the New Afrikaners ) 1
A reason for hope, Mearsheimer noted, is that the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee and prominent Jewish organization leaders who have long supported any action taken by the Israeli government no longer have a monopoly on speaking for American Jews regarding Israel. A new organization, “J Street,” is active in telling congressmen that there are many people who support Israel, but not settlements, oppression on the West Bank or the collective punishment of Gazan civilians. Whether “J Street” will make a difference is an open question, but it at least provides an option.
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1 For more background see Mearsheimer and Walt, “The Israel Lobby” London Review of Books
(Steve’s email is rowyourboat@verizon.net.)

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